Chapter
1
A Fork in the Road
A hero is no braver than an ordinary man,
but he is brave five minutes longer.
-Ralph Waldo Emerson
Twenty years ago, it was common for
books and articles about the current state of the nation to begin with
references to Kitty Genovese, a young New York woman who was stabbed to
death in an alley early one morning. What made the story so powerful
was that thirty-eight of Kittyís neighbors witnessed the assault without
taking any action, despite her continuing cries for help. When some
neighbors came to their windows to see what was happening, the mugger retreated.
When no one did anything, however, he came back and resumed his attack.
Clearly, each of Kittyís neighbors had the power to save her life.
None did. Like the World War II Germans who did nothing about the
concentration camps, Kittyís neighbors would later say they ìjust didnít
want to get involved.î
In part, the Kitty Genovese story made
headlines because it fit the general newspaper formula that bad news sells
more papers than good news. More importantly, the story dramatized
a tendency many felt was growing in the nation, maybe in the world.
Sociologists and others spoke of alienation in the big city, the death
of community, and the lack of compassion one for another.
For some, the story justified their long-standing
grudge against city life-epitomized by New York. For most who heard
the story, however, it touched a raw nerve. We were unable to turn
our backs on it, anymore than the moth can turn away from the flame.
Kitty Genoveseís obscene death in a New York alley forced us all to ask
ourselves whether we would have behaved any better than Kittyís neighbors.
Retelling the story twenty years later has the same effect. No amount
of evidence or protesting to the contrary can completely erase the nagging
doubt we feel.
While Kitty Genoveseís story is a depressing
one, it represents only one side of modern American life. Hereís
a very different kind of story, reflecting a different approach to modern
life.
A Modern Hero
Army Captain Robert Saum was driving
through Oakland, California, on his way to work early one morning in 1980
when a pickup truck in front of him flipped over several times an exploded.
Pulling his car to the side of the road, Saum leaped out and ran toward
the burning truck. For the next half-hour, he administered first
aid to the victims while the fire department put out the blaze and highway
patrol officers directed traffic around the accident.
Perhaps the most telling aspect of this
episode was Saumís personal reactions to it. In the beginning, he
reports, he felt a great deal of apprehension. He hadnít administered
first aid for years, and he kept looking for someone else to arrive and
take charge. ìEach time I saw someone in uniform, I remember thinking,
ëThis guy will take charge.í But I was amazed. It didnít happen.
It wasnít like TV.î
Soon, Saum had taken on personal responsibility
for the victims. He began giving orders to others on the scene.
When a fireman started to hose down one of the victims, Saum realized that
the cold water could cause hypothermia. ìI made the decision that
I was in charge then and I didnít tolerate that. I yelled at him
to cut it out.î
Finally an ambulance arrived. This
was what Saum had been looking forward to since the accident first occurred.
By now, however, his perspective as to who was responsible had shifted.
When two ambulance attendants began to lift one of the victims, Saum stepped
in and made them stop.
ìI had a girl with a fractured skull,
multiple contusions and abrasions, and unknown orthopedic complications.
I didnít know what bones had been broken. I just stopped them.
The said, ëWeíre in charge; weíll take over now.í Thatís when the
highway patrolman stepped in and said, ëNo, heís in charge.íî
Later, Saum would recall his feelings
near the end of the episode. ìI remember thinking, ëTheyíre mine
until the ambulance takes them away, my responsibility.í It was the
same intensity of feeling I have toward my wife and children when theyíre
hurt. It was like the whole family of man became my family.î
These two stories describe opposite poles
of modern social life. On the one hand, Kitty Genoveseís neighbors
experienced no sense of responsibility for anything they believed lay outside
their personal lives. If Genovese was being mugged, that was her
problem. The second story began somewhat similarly, with Saum waiting
for those ìresponsibleî to arrive and take charge. Saum, however,
went beyond those initial feelings and took charge of the situation himself-even
to the point of being responsible for the mistakes of firefighters and
ambulance attendants.
Two Roads Ahead
These stories also describe a fork in
the road for all humanity. The choice we make will determine the
quality of life you and I will experience throughout the remainder of our
lives, and it will determine the quality of life we leave to our children
and their children as well.
While it is not polite to put the choice
in such blunt terms, I know that you already see the signposts all around
you today. As Americans, we enjoy a standard of living unimagined
by our ancestors. Ours is the technological age. We are surrounded
by video games, color television, great films, and all our other ìfavorite
things.î Nor is our national well-being only materialistic.
This is also the land of the free and the home of the brave. The
measure of liberty and opportunity we enjoy was seldom even dreamed of
throughout most of human history.
Yet the glory of being an American is
not without blemish. The fabric of material prosperity is tattered
by inflation, unemployment, violence, pollution, and corruption.
Freedom and dignity are not perfectly realized for any of us, nor are they
evenly distributed among all our people. And beyond our shores, 13
to 18 million die of hunger each year; a billion go to bed hungry every
night, while you and I go to bed with the ominous ticking of a thermonuclear
alarm clock. Life today, even in America, is definitely a mixed bag.
Elsewhere it is less than that.
Charles Dickens could have been writing
of our age when he began A Tale of Two Cities with this memorable
description:
It was the best of times, it was the worst
of times, it was the age of
wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it
was the epoch of belief, it was
the epoch of incredulity, it was the season
of Light, it was the season of
Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was
the winter of despair.
The fork in the road is real. The
choice is awesome. While it may be comforting to think that others
will choose the route ahead, the real choice lies in us, you and me.
You and I stand at that fork in the road, and we will make the choice one
way or another. Truly, you and I and other individuals like us are
the ones who will make the choice between personal, national, and global
greatness on the one hand, or disappointment and despair on the other.
While everything Iíve just said applies
to all countries, this book focuses on Americans at the fork in the road.
In part, I do this to make our examination more manageable. Also,
our prominence among nations lends special weight to our choice and provides
us with a special opportunity, as weíll see shortly.
The choice for greatness, by the way,
is not nearly as burdensome as you may be imagining about now. This
book is not a somber call for self-sacrifice or for self-righteous misery.
If my comments about awesome choices stir feelings of burden or guilt in
you, thatís not my purpose. That such feelings may arise, however,
is very much a part of what this book is about ? as weíll see especially
in chapter 9 ? but before weíre done, youíll be able to laugh about having
such feelings. The choice for greatness, though it may carry risks
and even some suffering, is fundamentally a joyous undertaking. Consider
Trevor Ferrell, for example.
Trevor was an average eleven-year-old
when he happened to see a television special on Philadelphiaís homeless
people. As he watched the shots of men and women huddled in alleys,
under bridges, and the like, he simply knew he had to do something.
But what could an eleven-year-old do? The only thing he could think
of was to convince his parents to drive him from their well-to-do suburb
into the heart of Philadelphiaís downtown. As they were leaving the
house, Trevor grabbed a pillow and blanket.
Imagine what it must have been like to
be Trevorís parents on that trip. There they were driving around
downtown Philadelphia, looking for poor people! Finally, Trevor spotted
a derelict camped on top of a subway grate. Trevor was to remember
him for the fact that he was wearing socks but no shoes. Getting
out of the car, Trevor gave him the pillow and blanket. Amazed, the
man looked into Trevorís eyes, smiled, and said ìGod bless you.î
Now the die was cast. Trevor had
created a mission for himself. Two nights later, he and his dad were
on the streets again, this time bringing one of Trevorís motherís old coats.
Then he was back with more old clothes and with hot food. When his
own family had run out of old clothes, Trevor began canvassing the community.
Word of Trevorís mission in Philadelphia
was covered on local television stations, and the flow of gifts became
a flood. Nearby Fort Dix sent him one hundred surplus overcoats to
distribute. Gifts of cash made it possible for him to improve the
hot food he was distributing. Someone donated a VW van to expand
the familyís capability. When Trevor put out a plea for shelter for
the street people, a church opened a thirty-room house to them.
Trevor has become a special person on
the streets of Philadelphia. William Plummer and Andrea Fine describe
a typical interaction:
Within seconds, Chico has spotted the van.
He is walking toward it,
crying, ìWhere is my little buddy? Whereís
my little Trevor?î Soon
the derelict is hugging and kissing the boy,
and telling him all about his
latest ills. Within minutes, Trevor
has calmed him down and now is
tending to his material as well as emotional
needs, ladling him a bowl of
stew, fitting him with a new blanket and used
clothes.
A somewhat different problem concerned
Marilyn Keat and some friends in State College, Pennsylvania: Americaís
estimated six to seven million ìlatchkey childrenî who return to empty
homes after school each day because all the adults in their households
are working. Keat, working with colleagues in the local branch of
the American Association of University Women, decided to do something about
the problem.
PhoneFriend serves as an adult, after-school
friend for some 4,500 elementary-school children in the State College area.
Keat explains:
We call ourselves a help line or a warm line
rather than a hot line. . . . We do provide help if children call with
crisis-type calls but we donít want the child to feel that you have to
have a serious problem. Children can call if they feel lonely or
scared or if they think theyíve heard a noise. One child called because
he thought there was a snake in the living room. We want to convey
the message, call us for any reason. If you want to talk to an adult,
weíre here.
Trevor Ferrell and Marilyn Keat both
represent a choice for greatness at the fork in the road we face.
And theyíre not alone. There is something in the air. Studs
Terkel calls it a ìfeeling of oats.î
At this moment, in scores of neighborhoods
across the country, in big cities and small towns, along dirt roads, behind
mountain ìhollers,î there are people speaking out. They are turning
toward one another, asserting themselves as they have never done before.
Their grievances may be local-an expressway ripping up a neighborhood,
a strip mine ripping up the land, an inequitable tax-but they reflect a
larger discontent. Those who were silent are no longer silent, no
longer accept the word from on high. There is a flowing of life juices
that has not been covered on the Six OíClock News.
The ìfeeling of oatsî and ìflowing of
life juicesî Terkel speaks of represent something of profound importance
for our society and for the world. The stories of Trevor Ferrell
and Marilyn Keat, like the earlier story of Robert Saum, should not be
dismissed as merely ìnice.î I suggest that our future as a nation
will depend on the kind of personal responsibility represented in their
stories. Without it, American society is in for some rough sledding.
I know this may sound a little overly
dramatic. Living as an American today, it is difficult to imagine
that our national greatness will not last. Sure, we are facing some
troubled economic times right now, but those are certainly temporary.
Weíve faced wars and depressions in the past, but weíve always survived
as a nation, growing stronger in the process.
Short of a thermonuclear holocaust, who
can imagine the United States as a failed nation, a footnote in history?
If you have trouble imagining such a future, take a minute to learn from
those before us who shared the certainty that national greatness lasts
forever.
Footnote Empires in History
Five thousand years ago, the first major
civilizations formed in the Mesopotamian plain bordered by the Tigris and
Euphrates rivers. Here rural villages were first transformed into
cities and written language first appeared. First the Sumerians and
the Babylonians reigned supreme on the planet. Samuel Noah Kramer
describes the first human civilization this way:
Here, some 5,000 years ago, a people
known as the Sumerians developed the worldís earliest true civilization
from the roots extending far into the dimness of prehistory. It was
Mesopotamia that saw the rise manís first urban centers with their rich,
complex and varied life, where political loyalty was no longer to the tribe
or clan but to community as a whole; where lofty ziggurats, or temple-towers,
rose skyward, filling the citizenís heart with awe, wonder and pride; where
art and technological ingenuity, industrial specialization and commercial
enterprise found room to grow and expand.
It was in these Sumerian cities of the late
Fourth and early Third Millennia B.C. that ancient man accomplished some
of his most impressive achievements in art and architecture, in social
organization, in religious thought and practice and-with the invention
of writing-in education an communication.
Had you been an ancient Sumerian, you
would have lived each day as a member of the worldís supreme people.
You would have enjoyed the most advanced culture and technology on the
planet. Even as a common citizen, you would have found a personal
reverberation in the lofty proclamation of your king:
I am Assurbanipal, King of the Universe King
of Assyria, for whom
Assur, King of the Gods, and Ishtar, Lady
of Battle, have decreed a
destiny of heroism. . . . From my childhood,
the great gods who dwell
in Heaven and on Earth have granted me their
favor. Like real fathers
they raised me, and instructed me in their
exalted ways. They taught me
to wage battle and combat, to give the signal
for the skirmish an d to
draw up the line of battle. . . . They made
my arms powerful against my
foes, who from my youth to my manhood were
at enmity with me.
Who could doubt that it would last?
Hadnít the gods of heaven and earth chosen the Sumerians to bring civilization
to all peoples? Yet all that remains of Sumerian greatness today
are archeological traces unearthed from under tons of rock and sand.
A thousand years of civilization disappeared from the earth. Had
you lived in those final days, you might have been the poet who cried in
anguish against the day
That ìlaw and orderî cease to exist . . .
That cities be destroyed, that houses be destroyed
. . .
That [Sumerís] rivers flow with bitter water
. . .
That the mother care not for her children .
. .
That on the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates
there grow sickly plants . . .
That no one tread the highways, that no one
seek out the roads,
That its well-founded cities and hamlets be
counted as ruins . . .
So much for Sumerian greatness.
It would be comforting to regard the Sumerian fate as a peculiar twist
of history. Unfortunately, they are the norm, not the exception,
for great world empires.
The successor to the ancient Mesopotamian
supremacy was the great Egyptian Empire. For thousands of years,
Egypt was the seat of civilization on the planet. Social structure,
economy, and religion developed to levels unknown in Mesopotamia or elsewhere.
The arts flourished, especially in the areas of sculpture and lapidary
work. Writing evolved into a fine art, insuring a lasting record
of greatness. Giant pyramids offered additional enduring evidence of Egyptís
supremacy.
Unlike the Mesopotamian civilizations,
Egypt has endured as a nation. But the ancient Egyptianís descendants
have a very different place in the world. Today, Egypt is a Third
World country, a land of crushing poverty. Egyptian cities are greatly
overpopulated and chaotic. Disease is rampant. The nationís
economy is depressed and uncertain. As one readily available indicator
of the quality of life, the per capita share of modern Egyptís gross national
product (GNP) is $580 per year, about one-fifth the worldís average.
As another indicator, one child in ten dies during its first year.
Africa has been the seat of many other
great empires of the past. The Mali Empire of West Africa flourished
as a powerful trading empire during the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries.
Their descendants today are desperately impoverished. The 1982 infant
mortality rate in Mali was 154 (of every 1000 children born, 154 die during
their first year). The Nok culture of Nigeria was a powerful force
in Western Africa from 500 B.C. to 200 AD Today, however, Nigerians
have an infant mortality rate 135, and the per capita GNP is $1,010.
The Kingdom of Axum controlled Red Sea trade in 250 B.C., but their descendants
in modern Ethiopia are struggling for bare survival. The infant mortality
rate is 147 and the per capita GNP a mere $190.
The Current Status of these past African
empires is summarized in the accompanying table.
Ancient African Empires |
Estimated 1982 Status
|
Empire |
Modern Nation |
Infant Mortality Rate
|
Per Capita GNP
|
Egyptian |
Egypt |
103 |
$580 |
Mali |
Mali |
154 |
$190 |
Nok |
Nigeria |
135 |
$1,010 |
Axum |
Ethiopia |
147 |
$190 |
There are, of course, many reasons for
the decline of Africaís great empires of the past. Intertribal fighting
took its toll, as did European colonialism. Yet the African record
of footnoted empires is not unique to that region.
Two empires dominated ancient Asia: China
and India. While most Americans probably have some idea that China
was one an advanced and powerful civilization, few recognize the glory
of the Indus and Vedic civilizations of India, marked by great strides
in religion, culture, commerce, and urban development. Today, India
is regarded, rather, as the epitome of poverty. Modern Indiaís infant
mortality rate is 123, and the per capita GNP is $240. Nor is China
the model of an advanced world power today. While the infant mortality
rate has only recently been reduced to 45, the per capita GNP is only $290.
At the very least, both India and China are mere shadows of their past
glory.
In the New World, the Mayan, Incan, and
Aztec civilizations are often compared to their Egyptian counterpart.
Great cities at Tenochtitlán, Machu Picchu, Teotihuacán,
and elsewhere were seats of great cultural developments. Had you
lived in any of these early American civilizations, you would have been
convinced that your national supremacy would last forever. The descendants
of the ancient Mayans, Incans, and Aztecs, however, live in poverty today,
as the following table shows.
Ancient American Empires |
Estimated 1982 Status
|
Empire |
Modern Nation |
Infant Mortality Rate |
Per Capita GNP |
Mayan |
Honduras |
88 |
$560 |
|
Guatemala |
70.2 |
$1,110 |
Incan |
Peru |
88 |
$930 |
Aztec |
Mexico |
56 |
$2,130 |
With the exception of Egypt and China,
most Americans probably have little recognition of the great empires Iíve
been describing. (That by itself says a lot about the uncertain persistence
of national greatness on this planet.) But letís look briefly at
the empires most familiar to students of Western history: Greek,
Roman, British, and American. Where do they stand today?
The world dominance of Greece and Rome
are kept alive in history books alone. No one today regards
either nation as a predominant world leader. While they have not
fallen into the poverty suffered by the more ancient empires such as Egypt,
India, and Nigeria, both nations face severe economic and political problems.
By the same token, the sun has surely set on the British Empire, and the
economic problems that trouble Americans today are worse in England.
Yet early in this century, few seriously doubted that Britannia would always
rule the waves.
The data on Western empires tell an interesting
story. The older the empire, the higher the infant mortality rate
and the lower the per capita GNP. On their face, these data seem
to describe a stead decline of past empires.
Western Empires |
Estimated 1982 Status
|
Empire |
Modern Nation |
Infant Mortality Rate |
Capita GNP |
Greek |
Greece |
18.7 |
$4,520 |
Roman |
Italy |
14.3 |
$6,480 |
British |
United Kingdom |
11.8 |
$7,920 |
American |
United States |
11.8 |
$11,360 |
Explanations for the decline of once-great
empires are numerous. German historian and philosopher Oswald Spengler
contended that all civilizations pass through a natural life cycle of growth
and decline. A similar view has been put forward and documented in
the massive historical analyses of British historian and philosopher Arnold
Toynbee. Marxist scholars, by contrast, see capitalist colonialism
as causing the fall of many ancient empires, especially in Africa.
Demographic shifts are offered as the
explanation for the demise of some empires. In a typical example,
technological advances reduce a nationís death rate, and population then
mushrooms to a size unsupportable by the nationís economy. All this
is further complicated by high living.
The point of this historical sidetrack
is to raise a question that should interest all Americans: What does the
future hold for the United States? Will we, too, become a mere footnote
in history: the Late Great United States of America? A casual review
of world history strongly suggests the future may be none too bright.
The issue of American national greatness,
however, needs to be placed in a larger context. The time when one
nation could enjoy success at the expense of others is rapidly drawing
to a close. In the years and decades to come, the quality of life
we Americans enjoy will depend heavily on what happens is the rest of the
world. If we seek to perpetuate a world system in which some nations
prosper at the expense of others, then we will suffer the fate of great
empires past. The alternative is to take responsibility for global
survival and global prosperity.
As Americans at this point in history,
we have an opportunity to transform the nature of international relations.
We are in a position to bring about a shift from a condition of nation
against nation to one of global consciousness and well-being.
Global concerns are nothing new to Americans.
At the close of World War II, our nation took on a social challenge unprecedented
in the history of the planet. Following the devastation of the war,
friend and foe alike teetered on the brink of national disaster.
Industries had been exhausted or destroyed. People were starving
and dying in the streets. On June 5, 1947, Secretary of State George
C. Marshall, addressing commencement exercises at Harvard University, outlined
an American vision for the rebuilding of Europe. In four years of
what was to be know popularly as the Marshall Plan, the United States provided
12 billion dollars of aid that was to restore the economic and agricultural
stability of an entire continent. The Marshall Plan exemplified our
national vision and commitment to the well-being of people far beyond our
borders. As a symbol of this great human achievement, General Marshall
was awarded the 1953 Nobel Prize for Peace.
Clearly, Americans are capable of taking
on the challenge of creating a system of global consciousness and prosperity.
And yet, it is equally clear that we are not now rising to the challenge.
Indeed, we do not seem to make much headway in handling the internal problems
that trouble us as a nation.
Year after year, we remain plagued by
economic troubles, environmental pollution, crime in the streets.
We make no substantial progress in reducing the threat of thermonuclear
war. Politicians out of office condemn the failures of those in office
and promise to solve all our problems, if elected. Once in office,
however, they seem to do no better than those they replaced.
Every day, in many ways, individual Americans
draw further inward, ìlooking out for number oneî in a hopelessly ìdog-eat-dog
world.î We grow increasingly doubtful that we can take care of ourselves,
let alone care for others. Every day we find it necessary to
give up a little more on our ideals, to be a little less the kind of person
we want to be. Rather than make their criminal justice system work,
people buy guns to protect their homes. Rather than demand an equitable
system of taxation, people cheat on their tax returns.
Maybe Heroes Can Save Us
If we turn again to the historical record,
we find countless examples of nations being saved from hard times and certain
disaster by great heroes. When France was threatened by English conquest,
Johan of Arc raised the armies of France to repel the invaders. Simón
Bolívar brought independence to the nation that now bears his name.
When Mexican peasants suffered under the oppression of dictator after dictator,
Emiliano Zapata won them land and freedom. Except for George Washington,
modern Americans might still be struggling with pounds and shillings.
With Hitlerís hordes poised at the English Channel, Winston Churchill stood
up to save the day.
The point is this: throughout history,
the threat of grave national disasters have sometimes been averted by the
rise of heroes. Time and again, individuals of seemingly superhuman
strength and courage have taken mighty stands on behalf of causes far larger
than their own individuality.
Could Americaís current problems be resolved
by a hero like those of the past? In our politics, we seem to hold
out some hope for that form of salvation. We have a tendency to make
our leaders bigger than life, to pray they can do what we cannot.
In the end, however, we are usually disappointed.
I suggest that the root of our recent
disappointments and the persistence of our national problems as well as
the problems of our world lie in our search for the wrong kind of heroes.
Science fiction writer and scientist Isaac Asimov looked in the right
direction when he addressed the issue of violence on television:
Weíve got to get rid of violence for the simple
reason that it serves no purpose any more, but points us all in a useless
direction. . . .
The new enemies we have today-overpopulation,
famine, pollution, scarcity-cannot be fought by violence. There is
no way to crush those enemies, or slash them, or blast them, or vaporize
them.
The heroes who can save us today-both
as a nation and as a planet-do not carry guns and swords. They are
not necessarily taller or stronger than the average, nor is there anyone
for them to kill. Most of their work will be heralded by little or
no fanfare. You do not know their names, yet they will save us.
A clue to the nature of these new heroes
can be found in the observations of Charles Ingrasci, a young American
who went to India in 1977 to discover what it would take to end starvation
in that beleaguered country. Most Indians, he found, were waiting
for a new Gandhi. As he examined the nature of Indiaís problems,
however, Ingrasci became convinced that hunger would not end in India until
the Indians could ìfind their own Gandhi in themselves.î
Ingrasciís observation in India applies
equally to Americans. As citizens of our nation and of the planet,
we stand at a critical fork in the road. One road leads down the
hill of continued national and global decline, to America becoming another
foot-note in the history of great empires and perpetuating the cycles of
national rise and fall. The other road is marked by the creation
of true national and global greatness, by the resolution of those problems
that now plague us as a nation, and the opportunity to realize the vision
of a world that works for everyone. We cannot take the turn toward
true human greatness, however, without the appearance of a new breed of
heroes.
This is a time for heroes, and we donít have
time for anything less.
|